Faithfulness to Prosodic Heads*

ing away from the role of PARSE-SYLL in the results derived immediately above, the ranking arguments giving the partial metrical transparency result in Selayarese are summarized as follows. (59) Summary of Ranking Arguments •ALIGN-R (PrWd, {F}) » HEAD-DEP: Epenthesis does not yield preantepenultimate stress: sahalákku, not sá:halakku •HEAD-DEP » ALIGN-R (F, PrWd): Epenthesis into final syllable gives antepenultimate stress: maNkássara Thus, the constraint-based approach to the stress-epenthesis interaction in Selayarese is characterized by a constraint-ranking in which HEAD-DEP has intermediate rank among the set of stress related constraints, in this particular case, the constraints enforcing proper alignment of feet. (59.1) Partial Metrical Transparency of Epenthesis in Selayarese ALIGN-R (PrWd, {F}) » HEAD-DEP » ALIGN-R (F, PrWd) The intermediate rank of HEAD-DEP inherent to the account of partial metrical transparency entails constraint ranking and the violability of HEAD-DEP. Thus the explanation of the interaction between stress and epenthesis in Selayarese relies crucially on essential tenets of Optimality Theory, as is the case in the above study of Spanish. 17This is to give formal characterization of one component of Itô and Mester’s (1992) Maximal Parsing, as implied in the above description. Faithfulness to Prosodic Heads 30 4. Case Study II: Stress-Epenthesis Interaction in Mohawk The complicated stress-epenthesis interaction observed in Mohawk has an extensive literature (Postal 1968, Chafe 1977, Michelson 1981, 1983, 1988, 1989, Pigott 1995), which comprehends many aspects of Mohawk phonology (and Northern Iroquian in general, see in particular Michelson 1988). Partial metrical transparency effects of epenthetic /e/ are derived directly below within the purview of the correspondence theoretic framework employed thus far. The ensuing discussion is structured as follows. Firstly, the basic observations to be accounted for are fleshed out and summarized. The metrical invisibility of epenthesis is then described with constraint rankings in which HEAD-DEP plays a dominant role in the formation of the main stress foot within larger Mohawk words. Metrical opacity of epenthesis is subsequently explained as a correlate to heavy syllable weight, leading to the domination of HEAD-DEP. Thus, in the now familiar fashion, partial metrical transparency effects follow from a set of ranking arguments which conjoin to give head dependence a medial position in the constraint hierarchy.